Peer review process
Not revised: This Reviewed Preprint includes the authors’ original preprint (without revision), an eLife assessment, and public reviews.
Read more about eLife’s peer review process.Editors
- Reviewing EditorPeter RodgerseLife, Cambridge, United Kingdom
- Senior EditorPeter RodgerseLife, Cambridge, United Kingdom
Reviewer #1 (Public Review):
This is an interesting, timely and informative article. The authors used publicly available data (made available by a funding agency) to examine some of the academic characteristics of the individuals recipients of the National Institutes of Health (NIH) k99/R00 award program during the entire history of this funding mechanism (17 years, total ~ 4 billion US dollars (annual investment of ~230 million USD)). The analysis focuses on the pedigree and the NIH funding portfolio of the institutions hosting the k99 awardees as postdoctoral researchers and the institutions hiring these individuals. The authors also analyze the data by gender, by whether the R00 portion of the awards eventually gets activated and based on whether the awardees stayed/were hired as faculty at their k99 (postdoctoral) host institution or moved elsewhere. The authors further sought to examine the rates of funding for those in systematically marginalized groups by analyzing the patterns of receiving k99 awards and hiring k99 awardees at historically black colleges and universities.
The goals and analysis are reasonable and the limitations of the data are described adequately. It is worth noting that some of the observed funding and hiring traits are in line with the Matthew effect in science (https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.159.3810.56) and in science funding (https://www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/pnas.1719557115). Overall, the article is a valuable addition to the research culture literature examining the academic funding and hiring traits in the United States. The findings can provide further insights for the leadership at funding and hiring institutions and science policy makers for individual and large-scale improvements that can benefit the scientific community.
Reviewer #2 (Public Review):
Early career funding success has an immense impact on later funding success and faculty persistence, as evidenced by well-documented "rich-get-richer" or "Matthew effect" phenomena in science (e.g., Bol et al. 2018, PNAS). Woitowich et al. examined publicly available data on the distribution of the National Institutes of Health's K99/R00 awards - an early career postdoc-to-faculty transition funding mechanism - and showed that although 85% of K99 awardees successfully transitioned into faculty, disparities in subsequent R01 grant obtainment emerged along three characteristics: researcher mobility, gender, and institution. Men who moved to a top-25 NIH funded institution in their postdoc-to-faculty transition experienced the shortest median time to receiving a R01 award, 4.6 years, in contrast to the median 7.4 years for women working at less well-funded schools who remained at their postdoc institutions. This result is consistent with prior evidence of funding disparities by gender and institution type. The finding that researcher mobility has the largest effect on subsequent funding success is key and novel, and enhances previous work showing the relationship between mobility and ones' access to resources, collaborators, or research objects (e.g., Sugimoto and Larivière, 2023, Equity for Women in Science (Harvard University Press)).
These results empirically demonstrate that even after receiving a prestigious early career grant, researchers with less mobility belonging to disadvantaged groups at less-resourced institutions continue to experience barriers that delay them from receiving their next major grant. This result has important policy implications aimed at reducing funding disparities - mainly that interventions that focus solely on early career or early stage investigator funding alone will not achieve the desired outcome of improving faculty diversity.
The authors also highlight two incredible facts: No postdoc at a historically Black college or university (HBCU) has been awarded a K99 since the program's launch. And out of all 2,847 R00 awards given thus far, only two have been made to faculty at HBCUs. Given the track record of HBCUs for improving diversity in STEM contexts, this distribution of awards is a massive oversight that demands attention.
At no fault of the authors, the analysis is limited to only examining K99 awardees and not those who applied but did not receive the award. This limitation is solely due to the lack of data made publicly available by the NIH. If this data were available, this study would have been able to compare the trajectory of winners versus losers and therefore could potentially quantify the impact of the award itself on later funding success, much like the landmark Bol et al. (2018) paper that followed the careers of winners of an early career grant scheme in the Netherlands. Such an analysis would also provide new insights that would inform policy.
Although data on applications versus awards for the K99/R00 mechanism are limited, there exists data for applicant race and ethnicity for the 2007-2017 period, which were made available by a Freedom of Information Act request through the now defunct Rescuing Biomedical Research Initiative: https://web.archive.org/web/20180723171128/http://rescuingbiomedicalresearch.org/blog/examining-distribution-k99r00-awards-race/ These results are not presently discussed in the paper, but are highly relevant given the discussion of K99 award impacts on the sociodemographic composition of U.S. biomedical faculty. From 2007 to 2017, the K99 award rate for white applicants was 31.0% compared to 26.7% for Asian applicants and 16.2% for Black applicants. In terms of award totals, these funding rates amount to 1,384 awards to white applicants, 610 to Asian applicants, and 25 to Black applicants for the entire 2007-2017 period. And in terms of R00 awards, or successful faculty transitions: whereas 77.0% of white K99 awardees received an R00 award, the conversion rate for Asian and Black K99 awardees was lower, at 76.1% and 60.0%, respectively. Regarding this K99-to-R00 transition rate, Woitowich et al. found no difference by gender (Table 2). These results are consistent with a growing body of literature that shows that while there have been improvements to equity in funding outcomes by gender, similar improvements for achieving racial equity are lagging.
The conclusions are well-supported by the data, and limitations of the data and the name-gender matching algorithm are described satisfactorily.
One aspect that the authors should expand or comment on is the change in the rate of K99 to R00 conversions. Since 2016, while the absolute number of K99 and R00 awards has been increasing, the percentage of R00 conversions appears to be decreasing, especially in 2020 and 2021. This observation is not clearly stated or shown in Figure 1 but is an important point - if the effectiveness of the K99/R00 mechanism for postdoc-to-faculty transitions has been decreasing lately, then something is undermining the purpose of this mechanism. This result bears emphasis and potentially discussion for possible reasons for why this is happening.
Reviewer #3 (Public Review):
The researchers aim add to the literature on faculty career pathways with particular attention to how gender disparities persist in the career and funding opportunities of researchers. The researchers also examine aspects of institutional prestige that can further amplify funding and career disparities. While some factors about individuals' pathways to faculty lines are known, including the prospects of certain K award recipients, the current study provides the only known examination of the K99/R00 awardees and their pathways.
Strengths:
The authors establish a clear overview of the institutional locations of K99 and R00 awardees and the pathways for K99-to-R00 researchers and the gendered and institutional patterns of such pathways. For example, there's a clear institutional hierarchy of hiring for K99/R00 researchers that echo previous research on the rigid faculty hiring networks across fields, and a pivotal difference in the time between awards that can impact faculty careers. Moreover, there's regional clusters of hiring in certain parts of the US where multiple research universities are located. Moreover, documenting the pathways of HBCU faculty is an important extension of the Wapman et al. study (among others from that research group), and provides a more nuanced look at the pathways of faculty beyond the oft-discussed high status institutions. (However, there is a need for more refinement in this segment of the analyses as discussed further below.). Also, the authors provide important caveats throughout the manuscript about the study's findings that show careful attention to the complexity of these patterns and attempting to limit misinterpretations of readers.
Weaknesses:
The authors reference institutional prestige in relation to some of the findings, but there's no specific measure of institutional prestige included in the analyses. If being identified as a top 25 NIH-funded institution is the proximate measure for prestige in the study, then more justification of how that relates to previous studies' measures of institutional prestige and status are needed to further clarify the interpretations offered in the manuscript.
The identification of institutional funding disparities impacting HBCUs is an important finding and highlights another aspect of how faculty at these institutions are under resourced and arguably undervalued in their research contributions. However, a lingering question exists: why compare HBCUs with Harvard? What are the theoretical and/or methodological justifications for such comparisons? This comparison lends itself to reifying the status hierarchy of institutions that perpetuate funding and career inequalities at the heart of the current manuscript. If aggregating all HBCU faculty together, then a comparable grouping for comparison is needed, not just one institution. Perhaps looking at the top 25 NIH funded institutions could be one way of providing a clearer comparison. Related to this point is the confusing inclusion of Gallaudet in Figure 6 as it is not an officially identified HBCU. Was this institution also included in the HBCU-related calculations?
There is a clear connection that is missed in the current iteration of the manuscript derived from the work of Robert Merton and others about cumulative advantages in science and the "Matthew effect." While aspects of this connection are noted in the manuscript such as well-resourced institutions (those with the most NIH funding in this circumstance) hire each others' K99/R00 awardees, elaborating on these connections are important for readers to understand the central processes of how a rigid hierarchy of funding and career opportunities exist around these pathways. The work the authors build on from Daniel Larremore, Aaron Clauset, and their colleagues have also incorporated these important theoretical connections from the sociology of knowledge and science, and it would provide a more interdisciplinary lens and further depth to understanding the faculty career inequalities documented in the current study.