Peer review process
Revised: This Reviewed Preprint has been revised by the authors in response to the previous round of peer review; the eLife assessment and the public reviews have been updated where necessary by the editors and peer reviewers.
Read more about eLife’s peer review process.Editors
- Reviewing EditorFloris de LangeDonders Institute for Brain, Cognition and Behaviour, Nijmegen, Netherlands
- Senior EditorFloris de LangeDonders Institute for Brain, Cognition and Behaviour, Nijmegen, Netherlands
Reviewer #1 (Public Review):
This study examines whether the human brain uses a hexagonal grid-like representation to navigate in a non-spatial space constructed by competence and trustworthiness. To test this, the authors asked human participants to learn the levels of competence and trustworthiness for six faces by associating them with specific lengths of bar graphs that indicate their levels in each trait. After learning, participants were asked to extrapolate the location from the partially observed morphing bar graphs. Using fMRI, the authors identified brain areas where activity is modulated by the angles of morphing trajectories in six-fold symmetry. The strength of this paper lies in the question it attempts to address. Specifically, the question of whether and how the human brain uses grid-like representations not only for spatial navigation but also for navigating abstract concepts, such as social space, and guiding everyday decision-making. This question is of emerging importance.
I acknowledge the authors' efforts to address the comments received. However, my concerns persist:
(1) The authors contend that shorter reaction times correlated with increased distances between individuals in social space imply that participants construct and utilize two-dimensional representations. This method is adapted from a previous study by Park et al. Yet, there is a fundamental distinction between the two studies. In the prior work, participants learned relationships between adjacent individuals, receiving feedback on their decisions, akin to learning spatial locations during navigation. This setup leads to two different predictions: If participants rely on memory to infer relationships, recalling more pairs would be necessary for distant individuals than for closer ones. Conversely, if participants can directly gauge distances using a cognitive map, they would estimate distances between far individuals as quickly as for closer ones. Consequently, as the authors suggest, reaction times ought to decrease with increasing decision value, which, in this context, corresponds to distances. However, the current study allowed participants to compare all possible pairs without restricting learning experiences, rendering the application of the same methodology for testing two-dimensional representations inappropriate. In this study, the results could be interpreted as participants not forming and utilizing two-dimensional representations.
(2) The confounding of visual features with the value of social decision-making complicates the interpretation of this study's results. It remains unclear whether the observed grid-like effects are due to visual features or are genuinely indicative of value-based decision-making, as argued by the authors. Contrary to the authors' argument, this issue was not present in the previous study (Constantinescu et al.). In that study, participants associated specific stimuli with the identities of hidden items, but these stimuli were not linked to decision-making values (i.e., no image was considered superior to another). The current study's paradigm is more akin to that of Bao et al., which the authors mention in the context of RSA analysis. Indeed, Bao et al. controlled the length of the bars specifically to address the problem highlighted here. Regrettably, in the current paradigm, this conflation remains inseparable.
(3) While the authors have responded to comments in the public review, my concerns noted in the Recommendation section remain unaddressed. As indicated in my recommendations, there are aspects of the authors' methodology and results that I find difficult to comprehend. Resolving these issues is imperative to facilitate an appropriate review in subsequent stages.
Considering that the issues raised in the previous comments remain unresolved, I have retained my earlier comments below for review.
The weak points of this paper are that its findings are not sufficiently supporting their arguments, and there are several reasons for this:
(1) Does the grid-like activity reflect 'navigation over the social space' or 'navigation in sensory feature space'? The grid-like representation in this study could simply reflect the transition between stimuli (the length of bar graphs). Participants in this study associated each face with a specific length of two bars, and the 'navigation' was only guided by the morphing of a bar graph image. Moreover, any social cognition was not required to perform the task where they estimate the grid-like activity. To make social decision-making that was conducted separately, we do not know if participants needed to navigate between faces in a social space. Instead, they can recall bar graphs associated with faces and compute the decision values by comparing the length of bars. Notably, in the trust game in this study, the competence and trustworthiness are not equally important to make a decision (Equation 1). The expected value is more sensitive to one over the other. This also suggests that the space might not reflect social values but the perceptual differences.
(2) Does the brain have a common representation of faces in a social space? In this study, participants don't need to have a map-like representation of six faces according to their levels of social traits. Instead, they can remember the values of each trait. The evidence of neural representations of the faces in a 2-dimensional social space is lacking. The authors argued the relationship between the reaction times and the distances between faces provides evidence of the formation of internal representations. However, this can be found without the internal representation of the relationships between faces. If the authors seek internal representations of the faces in the brain, it would be important to show that this representation is not simply driven by perceptual differences between bar graphs that participants may recall in association with each face.
Considering these caveats, it is hard for me to agree if the authors provide evidence to support their claims.
Reviewer #2 (Public Review):
Summary:
In this work, Liang et al. investigate whether an abstract social space is neurally represented by a grid-like code. They trained participants to 'navigate' around a two-dimensional space of social agents characterized by the traits warmth and competence, then measured neural activity as participants imagined navigating through this space. The primary neural analysis consisted of three procedures: 1) identifying brain regions exhibiting the hexagonal modulation characteristic of a grid-like code, 2) estimating the orientation of each region's grid, and 3) testing whether the strength of the univariate neural signal increases when a participant is navigating in a direction aligned with the grid, compared to a direction that is misaligned with the grid. From these analyses, the authors find the clearest evidence of a grid-like code in the prefrontal cortex and weaker evidence in the entorhinal cortex.
Strengths:
The work demonstrates the existence of a grid-like neural code for a socially-relevant task, providing evidence that such coding schemes may be relevant for a variety of two-dimensional task spaces.
Weaknesses:
In the revised manuscript, the authors soften their claims about finding a grid code in the entorhinal cortex and provide additional caveats about limitations in their findings. It seems that the authors and reviewers are in agreement about the following weaknesses, which were part of my original review: Claims about a grid code in the entorhinal cortex are not well-supported by the analyses presented. The whole-brain analysis does not suggest that the entorhinal cortex exhibits hexagonal modulation; the strength of the entorhinal BOLD signal does not track the putative alignment of the grid code there; multivariate analyses do not reveal any evidence of a grid-like representational geometry.
In the authors' response to reviews, they provide additional clarification about their exploratory analyses examining whether behavior (i.e., reaction times) and individual difference measures (i.e., social anxiety and avoidance) can be predicted by the hexagonal modulation strength in some region X, conditional on region X having a similar estimated grid alignment with some other region Y. My guess is that readers would find it useful if some of this language were included in the main text, especially with regard to an explanation regarding the rationale for these exploratory studies.
Reviewer #3 (Public Review):
Liang and colleagues set out to test whether the human brain uses distance and grid-like codes in social knowledge using a design where participants had to navigate in a two-dimensional social space based on competence and warmth during an fMRI scan. They showed that participants were able to navigate the social space and found distance-based codes as well as grid-like codes in various brain regions, and the grid-like code correlated with behavior (reaction times).
On the whole, the experiment is designed appropriately for testing for distant-based and grid-like codes, and is relatively well powered for this type of study, with a large amount of behavioral training per participant. They revealed that a number of brain regions correlated positively or negatively with distance in the social space, and found grid-like codes in the frontal polar cortex and posterior medial entorhinal cortex, the latter in line with prior findings on grid-like activity in entorhinal cortex. The current paper seems quite similar conceptually and in design to previous work, most notably Park et al., 2021, Nature Neuroscience.
(1) The authors claim that this study provides evidence that humans use a spatial / grid code for abstract knowledge like social knowledge.
This data does specifically not add anything new to this argument. As with almost all studies that test for a grid code in a similar "conceptual" space (not only the current study), the problem is that, when the space is not a uniform, square/circular space, and 2-dimensional then there is no reason the code will be perfectly grid like, i.e., show six-fold symmetry. In real world scenarios of social space (as well as navigation, semantic concepts), it must be higher dimensional - or at least more than two dimensional. It is unclear if this generalizes to larger spaces where not all part of the space is relevant. Modelling work from Tim Behrens' lab (e.g., Whittington et al., 2020) and Bradley Love's lab (e.g., Mok & Love, 2019) have shown/argued this to be the case. In experimental work, like in mazes from the Mosers' labs (e.g., Derdikman et al., 2009), or trapezoid environments from the O'Keefe lab (Krupic et al., 2015), there are distortions in mEC cells, and would not pass as grid cells in terms of the six-fold symmetry criterion.
The authors briefly discuss the limitations of this at the very end but do not really say how this speaks to the goal of their study and the claim that social space or knowledge is organized as a grid code and if it is in fact used in the brain in their study and beyond. This issue deserves to be discussed in more depth, possibly referring to prior work that addressed this, and raise the issue for future work to address the problem - or if the authors think it is a problem at all.